In June 2022, the most significant piece of gun violence prevention legislation in decades, the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act<\/a>, became law. Alongside several common-sense gun regulations, the law allocates $250 million for community-based violence prevention initiatives\u2014a promising step toward promoting safety through non-carceral and community-centered approaches.1<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n This federal action is important, but it only scratches the surface of what can be done to keep communities safe from gun violence. From investing in youth employment programs to revitalizing vacant lots to improving the quality of neighborhood housing, a wealth of community-based safety interventions are proven to reduce violent crime\u2014including gun violence\u2014in the places most impacted by it, and tackle the conditions of inequality<\/a> that allow violence to concentrate in the first place.2<\/a><\/sup> But far too often, these community-based interventions are under-funded, particularly when compared to more punitive approaches.3<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/div>\n Luckily, another source of federal aid can fund community-based safety investments: the American Rescue Plan\u2019s (ARP) $350 billion in Coronavirus State and Local Fiscal Recovery Funds. In addition to helping states and localities recover from the pandemic, the funds also provide local leaders with an unparalleled opportunity to address the public health crisis of gun violence. Indeed, President Joe Biden recently called on state and local leaders<\/a> to use portions of this funding to address gun violence, including by \u201cexpanding evidence-based community violence intervention programs, and preventing crime by making our neighborhoods stronger with more educational and economic opportunities.\u201d4<\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n This research brief documents how state and local leaders are leveraging ARP funds to invest in non-carceral community-based safety initiatives; presents perspectives and case studies from leaders on-the-ground innovating on such strategies; and offers recommendations for how state and local leaders can maximize ARP funds to promote community safety prior to 2024 (when all funds must be obligated) and 2026 (when all funds must be spent). This is an unparalleled\u2014and time-limited\u2014window of opportunity, and states and localities should be thinking strategically right<\/em> now<\/em> about how to not only invest in proven strategies to reduce gun violence, but also promote life-affirming safety investments that\u00a0 support thriving communities.\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Despite news headlines to the contrary, the U.S. is not in the midst of a crime wave<\/a>. But it is experiencing an unprecedented and alarming increase in murders, driven largely by gun homicides.5<\/a><\/sup> Between 2019 and 2020, murder rates nationwide rose nearly 30%, while other forms of crime went down.6<\/a><\/sup> Since then, homicides, gun assaults, and other forms of violent crime have continued to trend upward, and as of June 2022, the homicide rate was 39% higher than it was prior to the COVID-19 pandemic.7<\/a><\/sup> For this reason, this brief focuses primarily on the role that community-based safety investments can play in addressing gun violence but it is important to note that these investments can also have broader impacts on public safety and community well-being.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n To understand the effectiveness of community-based safety investments, it helps to look at where most gun violence occurs.8<\/a><\/sup> Within cities and towns, gun violence is spatially concentrated\u2014disproportionately occurring within a select set of high-poverty and disinvested neighborhoods, and within these neighborhoods, a select set of streets.9<\/a><\/sup>\u202fThese are also the places where indicators of structural disadvantage (such as poverty, racial segregation, lower educational attainment, and high unemployment) cluster.10<\/a><\/sup> This pattern held<\/a> during the recent nationwide increase in gun violence.11<\/a><\/sup>\u202f\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n The spatial concentration of violence stems from generations of policies and public and private investment decisions. Numerous studies have found a connection between state-sponsored racial segregation and gun violence, with the same places historically deemed unworthy of economic investment (through redlining) being more likely to be where gun violence concentrates today.12<\/a><\/sup> Research has also identified a link between concentrated poverty, densely crowded housing, and vacant buildings with higher rates of violent crime, including gun homicides.13<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Given the many place-based factors that contribute to gun violence, there is growing recognition that just like improving public health<\/a> in other ways, reducing gun violence requires addressing its social determinants and looking outside traditional systems (such as courts or hospitals) to tackle its root causes.14<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0 This approach is consistent with the preferences of survivors of violent crime, who overwhelmingly prefer investments in non-punitive crime prevention<\/a> over criminal legal system responses.15<\/a><\/sup> As the John Jay College of Criminal Justice recently pointed out<\/a>, this approach is also consistent with an emerging and growing body of research that elevates the effectiveness of non-carceral public safety investments that put communities at the center and builds their capacity to advance safety, health, and economic opportunity.16<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n The next section of this brief examines four categories of non-carceral community safety investments that ARP funds are being used for. Before introducing examples of investments in each category, we provide further empirical justification for specific investments within that category. But while the empirical evidence matters, the underlying moral argument does as well: Mass incarceration is not a morally acceptable solution to systemic disinvestment<\/a>.17<\/a><\/sup> Local leaders should support non-carceral community safety interventions not only because they are effective, but because investing in struggling communities is the right thing to do.\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Methodology<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n Within the Community Violence Intervention designation, we also filtered out funding allocated to victim services. While such projects are commendable and necessary, they are responses<\/em> to violence, whereas our brief is concerned with interventions that prevent<\/em> violence. Additionally, this brief focuses entirely on non-carceral safety uses of ARP funds, meaning we excluded uses that expand the reach of the criminal legal system (such as increasing the size of the police force or acquiring new public safety technology). The justification behind this approach is to highlight forward-looking and life-affirming visions of community safety, rather than carceral approaches that produce negative intergenerational consequences (such as mental health ramifications, family separation, poor educational performance, and racialized class stratification).20<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n Finally, we conducted qualitative interviews with 14 government and civic leaders working at the state, county, and city level.21<\/a><\/sup> In selecting interviewees, we balanced attention to government and civil society and sought to center Black voices, particularly in localities with a large Black population.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n <\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/figure>\n While the most straightforward uses of the American Rescue Plan\u2019s\u202fState and Local Fiscal Recovery Funds are to replace lost tax revenue or shore up general funds, the Treasury Department\u2019s rules allow for a broad range of uses that \u201cbuild a strong, resilient, and equitable recovery by making investments that support long-term growth and opportunity.\u201d22<\/a><\/sup> Treasury also makes clear that community safety interventions are valid expenditure types for all communities, particularly those that have suffered an uptick in violence.23<\/a><\/sup> And as analysts at Civil Rights Corps<\/a>, Alliance for Safety and Justice<\/a>, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities<\/a>, and other organizations<\/a> have pointed out, these flexible funds offer the largest-ever influx of federal dollars to support states and localities advance non-carceral interventions that promote a holistic vision of community safety.24<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Below is a curated list of state and local investments in non-carceral community safety interventions, categorized along\u202ffour key dimensions of community well-being.25<\/a><\/sup> While there are many more examples, our list represents a diverse set of locations with distinct approaches.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n A place\u2019s economic health has a significant influence on its rates of violence; neighborhoods with higher poverty rates, unemployment, and income inequality have higher rates of violent crime.26<\/a><\/sup> On the other side of this relationship, a promising body of evidence<\/a> demonstrates that by enhancing economic opportunity and reducing inequality within neighborhoods, places can significantly reduce crime.27<\/a><\/sup> For instance, evidence shows that youth workforce development and employment programs can reduce youth involvement in violent crime by as much as 45%.28<\/a><\/sup> Improving school quality has also been found to reduce violent crime arrests.29<\/a><\/sup> Finally, helping families avoid financial stress has been found to reduce crime and produce numerous other community benefits.30<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Figure 1 illustrates how state and local governments are heeding this body of evidence and using ARP funds to advance community safety through economic mobility. For example, Illinois allocated $60 million investment toward youth employment programming, which subsidizes wages for high-risk youth and allows them to gain employability skills, participate in career development and apprenticeship programming, and receive wraparound services to address the root causes of employment barriers.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Case study: How a small city in Virginia is using ARP funds to reduce violent crime through youth workforce development<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n Danville is a Black-majority (49%) city in southern Virginia with a population of approximately 42,000<\/a>. In 2016, it had the state\u2019s highest per capita homicide rate<\/a>, largely driven by gang-related violence<\/a>. To tackle this, the city implemented a variety of community-centered programs to build trust in high-violence neighborhoods and prevent violence among at-risk youth. As Danville\u2019s City Manager Ken Larking told us, \u201cThe best way to reduce crime is to prevent it and intervene before it happens.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n In 2020 (the year with the most recently reported data<\/a>), Danville saw a 50% reduction in violent crime from 2016. The city\u2019s focus on prevention is also central to how it\u2019s using ARP funds. Larking said that Danville is allocating funds on both \u201cdirect\u201d violence prevention (including $236,000 on community violence initiatives) as well as \u201cindirect\u201d violence prevention, such as $1 million to address blight and additional grants to help residents of disinvested neighborhoods start businesses.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n Of particular note is Project Imagine<\/a>, a youth workforce development and violence prevention initiative that received $36,000 in ARP funding. Project Imagine provides gang-involved or at-risk youth with mentorship, apprenticeships, and employment opportunities, and enables former participants to become \u201cambassadors\u201d who represent their neighborhoods in city meetings and provide input on the city\u2019s strategic plan.\u00a0<\/p>\n \u201cOne thing I knew coming into this city is that there was no voice from the Black community that was being heard,\u201d Robert David, who leads Project Imagine, told us. When David was brought on in 2018, he had no staff or budget, but was able to access unused city funds from the federal Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act to begin offering paid jobs to youth. He also turned everyday community spaces into hubs to promote workforce development. \u201cWe made the barbershop a haven,\u201d he said, noting when one of his outreach workers isn\u2019t there, people will ask the barber, \u201cWhere\u2019s my man with the jobs?\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n The infusion of ARP funds has helped David hire permanent outreach workers to connect with more youth, which has since significantly increased enrollment in the initiative. The funds have also enabled him to acquire a permanent building for Project Imagine, which will serve as a safe drop-in space and community center for youth.\u00a0<\/p>\n <\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/figure>\n The most consistent evidence on the relationship between violence prevention and place exists in the realm of the built environment. Numerous studies find that the renovation of housing, vacant buildings, land, and lots as well as efforts to add greenery and improve air quality significantly reduce violent crime.31<\/a><\/sup> These place-based strategies aim to counter decades of public and private disinvestment by revitalizing the physical environment and improving the health and safety of entire communities, rather than focusing on a sub-set of high-risk individuals (which many violence prevention programs, such violence interrupters, tend to focus on).32<\/a><\/sup> These interventions also align with a public health approach to preventing violence, which addresses the environmental factors that increase susceptibility to violence and advances protective environments that nurture safety, health, and well-being.33<\/a><\/sup> Examples range from addressing air pollution to increasing Medicaid coverage to expanding access to substance abuse and mental health treatment.34<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Figure 2 highlights how state and local governments are using ARP funds to advance built environment improvements in communities and bolster public health system responses to community violence. For example, Chicago allocated ARP dollars to fund public realm improvements, building restorations, the preservation of safe and affordable housing, and the reactivation of city-owned land in the 15 areas with the highest rates of homicide and nonfatal shootings.\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n It is important to note that while Figure 2 includes built environment and public health interventions explicitly categorized as \u201ccommunity violence interventions,\u201d there are many other examples<\/a> of state and local governments investing in built environment improvements that have the potential to prevent violence and are not categorized as such. These include city beautification and a revitalized community park in Milwaukee<\/a>, streetlight repair in Los Angeles<\/a>, and weatherization efforts to remove lead and mold in Washington, D.C<\/a>.35<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Case study: How Multnomah County, Ore. is taking a public health approach to violence prevention<\/strong><\/p>\n Multnomah County is home to Portland, Oregon\u2019s most populous city. During the pandemic, gun violence in the city nearly tripled<\/a>. In response to this sharp uptick and an over-burdened social service system, county officials allocated over $61 million of their ARP funds to violence prevention, including $4 million in public health approaches<\/a>. \u201cWe drew a one-to-one connection between the uptick and gun violence and the pandemic. The loss of social cohesion, the isolation, the breakdown of traditional society norms. So, we said, let\u2019s use ARP funds to address that.\u201d<\/p>\n Adam Renon, Senior Policy Advisor, Multnomah County<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n A significant body of evidence demonstrates that social cohesion and feelings of belonging to a neighborhood are associated with lower violent crime rates.36<\/a><\/sup> Research has also found that increasing the number of spaces for informal contact between neighbors (e.g., parks, community centers) is linked to a greater sense of safety for people in urban areas.37<\/a><\/sup> A growing body of evidence even indicates that creative placemaking can enhance community safety.38<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/div>\n The evidence linking social cohesion with reduced violence forms the basis for many\u202fevidence-based community violence intervention programs, such as Cure Violence<\/a> or Advance Peace<\/a>,39<\/a><\/sup> which rely on community outreach to reach individuals in neighborhoods at the highest risk for violence.40<\/a><\/sup> These violence interrupting programs have contributed to significant declines in violence in high-crime neighborhoods in Richmond, Calif., Stockton, Calif.,\u202fLos Angeles, Washington, D.C., Chicago, Baltimore, and others.41<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Figure 3 highlights how state and local governments are using ARP funds to either invest in community violence interruption programs or in activities and programs that promote social cohesion. For example, Elkhart, Ind. is using ARP dollars to host summer events with music and food, present talks by credible messengers (e.g., people who have formerly been involved with the criminal legal system and now work in violence prevention), distribute anti-gun-violence yard signs, and provide COVID-19 information. Cincinnati is funding the Save Our Youth: Kings & Queens<\/a> program, in which at-risk teens participate in a three-month program involving field trips and speakers focusing on Black history.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Case study: How St. Louis is preventing violence by investing in safe youth spaces<\/strong><\/p>\n St. Louis is a midsized city (45.7% Black) with a population of roughly 300,000<\/a>. Even with a slight decline in 2021, St. Louis continues to have one of the highest homicide rates in the nation<\/a>. In recent years, there has been growing recognition among city officials that to prevent violence, they must target its root causes\u2014starting with offering resources to those who are most at-risk for committing and be victims of violence, including youth in disinvested neighborhoods.\u00a0<\/p>\n \u201cWe have over 50 kids that have been shot since the beginning of this year,\u201d said Wilford Pinkney Jr., director of the Mayor\u2019s Office of Children, Youth, and Families. \u201cMost of our car jackings and car thefts are all juveniles\u2026There was no one engaging with them to determine what is happening, why they engaged in that behavior, and to try to deal with addressing it early on. We need to deal with that before we get to the point that they\u2019re car jacking and shooting people.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n As part of its ARP allocation, St. Louis devoted $5.5 million to violence interruption initiatives. One is Safer Summer St. Louis, which funds youth- and grassroots-led organizations to plan pop-up events aimed at providing safe, community-building spaces. Jessica Meyers, coordinator for the St. Louis Area Violence Prevention Commission<\/a>, said that motivation for the program came from youth themselves: \u201cWe heard from the youth that they feel like they do not have access to their whole neighborhood. They do not have access to safe spaces in their neighborhood. The spaces that should be safe, like parks, aren\u2019t safe because of gun violence or drug dealing or gang activity. Or the spaces that are safe\u2014like a recreation center or a YMCA or a business\u2014they don\u2019t feel welcome in them, or they feel there are barriers, whether that\u2019s a fee or transportation.\u201d Safer Summer St. Louis seeks to tackle this by providing funding (up to $5,000 per event) to youth in neighborhoods most impacted by gun violence to host events like block parties, bike rides, fitness events, and other activities of their choosing.\u00a0<\/p>\n Meyers said that while the program is based on evidence about what works to prevent violence, it is really about showing St. Louis youth that the city is invested in their future. \u201c[Safer Summer St. Louis] is about investing in youth and telling them we value them enough that we\u2019re taking this $1 million in [ARP] funding and we\u2019re going to put it directly to events that allow you to be young and have fun in St. Louis\u2014in a safer St. Louis.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n <\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/figure>\n \u201c[Safer Summer St. Louis] is about investing in youth and telling them we value them enough that we\u2019re taking this $1 million in [ARP] funding and we\u2019re going to put it directly to events that allow you to be young and have fun in St. Louis\u2014in a safer St. Louis.\u201d<\/p>\n Jessica Meyers, coordinator for the St. Louis Area Violence Prevention Commission<\/a><\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n Nearly every non-carceral community-based safety intervention requires the leadership and dedication of civic and community-based organizations to be implemented.42<\/a><\/sup> And aside from that, research indicates that the mere presence of such organizations within a neighborhood leads to reductions in violent crime.43<\/a><\/sup> The challenge, however, is that while\u202fcity resources are plentiful for increasing police\u202fin high-crime neighborhoods, cities routinely fail to fund the community infrastructure (such as grassroots organizations) that stabilize communities.44<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Figure 4 highlights how state and local governments are using ARP funds to enhance the capacity of community-based and civic organizations to prevent violence. For example, New Haven, Conn. used $785,000 of its ARP funds to create Civic Space<\/a>, a centralized public forum for citizens and grassroots organizations to share input on ARP investments, learn about new community-centered violence prevention initiatives, and partner with other organizations working on similar aims.\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Case study: How Minnesota is supporting locally led grassroots organizations prevent violence<\/strong><\/p>\n Minnesota has a population of 5.7 million<\/a>, with the largest concentrations<\/a> in the cities of Minneapolis and Saint Paul. Despite relatively strong gun laws, firearms are the leading cause of death<\/a> for youth in the state. With Minneapolis being the site of George Floyd\u2019s murder and the catalyst for global protests against racial injustice, the state knew it needed to act boldly in allocating ARP funds toward non-carceral public safety approaches\u2014ultimately obligating $16.8 million<\/a> for violence prevention and intervention activities as well as survivor support.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n As part of this, state leaders allocated $5 million toward a new Innovation in Community Safety grant program<\/a>. Kate Weeks, executive director of the Minnesota Department of Public Safety, said the program is \u201ca new way for Minnesota to push out money that was community-focused,\u201d where \u201cdecisions about where funds would go come directly from the community.\u201d The grant program provides local organizations in targeted neighborhoods with up to $1 million for community safety programming, prioritizing areas with the highest rates of violent crime. According to Weeks, the recipients have been \u201cvirtually all nonprofits.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n The state made another $2.5 million available through Violence Intervention Grants<\/a>, with a maximum per-grant amount of $250,000. These grants were designed to have a more equitable distribution of applicants, with a fiscal agent administering smaller funding amounts more quickly to grassroots organizations.<\/p>\n <\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/figure>\n The state, county, and local leaders we interviewed offered five primary recommendations on how to more equitably and effectively allocate ARP spending toward non-carceral community safety interventions. These recommendations, which align with emerging research<\/a> on best practices for the equitable use of ARP funds, include:\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \u201cWhen we give power to young people to use their voice, to be able to co-create, that is more powerful than [when] we are just ordaining from on high and not letting them be effective partners,\u201d<\/p>\n Devanshi Patel, CEO of the Center for Youth and Family Advocacy<\/a> in Virginia.\u00a0<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\nWhy non-carceral community-based investments are key for preventing gun violence\u00a0<\/h4>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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This brief pulls from public data state and local governments reported to the U.S. Treasury Department<\/a> regarding ARP spending.18<\/a><\/sup> We filtered projects by \u201cExpense Category Group- 3-Services to Disproportionately Impacted Communities,\u201d and further filtered by \u201cCategory-3.16-Social Determinants of Health: Community Violence Interventions.\u201d19<\/a><\/sup> These filters, which Treasury has since recategorized as \u201cCategory 1 Public Health, 1.11 Community Violence Intervention,\u201d document instances in which state and local leaders are purposefully aiming to reduce violence by addressing social determinants. We recognize that there are many more projects that are not coded as violence interventions that can still have an outsized impact in reducing violence, such as those designed to restore vacant lots or pilot universal basic incomes. However, we believe it is important to highlight how states and localities are explicitly thinking about violence prevention through community-centered approaches.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\nHow state and local leaders are leveraging ARP funds to invest in non-carceral safety strategies\u00a0<\/h4>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
Enhancing economic opportunity to promote safety\u00a0<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Investing in the built environment and public health to promote safety\u00a0\u00a0<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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\u201cWe drew a one-to-one connection between the uptick and gun violence and the pandemic,\u201d said Adam Renon, senior policy advisor to the Multnomah County chair. \u201cThe loss of social cohesion, the isolation, the breakdown of traditional society norms. So, we said, let\u2019s use ARP funds to address that.\u201d The county allocated $300,000 to hire \u201ccommunity health specialists\u201d who provide families directly impacted by gun violence with safety plans and trauma support. An additional $1.2 million went toward creating a behavioral health response team of clinicians and peers to serve youth and families affected by gun violence. And the county expanded existing programs, including the Habilitation, Empowerment, Accountability, Therapy (H.E.A.T.) curriculum<\/a>\u2014a cognitive behavioral therapy program meant to address generational traumas for justice-involved people.
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Raffaele Timarchi, policy advisor to the county chair, explained the importance of embedding public health approaches to violence prevention across multiple county departments: \u201c[Just because] we take a public health approach to violence prevention doesn\u2019t mean that all of our investments have to be in a public health department\u2026We want to spread the tools of public health into these other departments, including people working at the community level.\u201d This approach ran through Multnomah County\u2019s ARP safety allocations, which included significant investments to strengthen communities through emergency rental assistance, community organization incubators, and a $4.8 million investment in direct assistance to help pay for residents\u2019 pressing financial needs, including food, child care, transportation, and living expenses\u00a0<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/figure>\n\n
Nurturing social cohesion to promote safety\u00a0\u00a0<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Strengthening civic infrastructure to promote safety\u00a0\u00a0<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Recommendations from the field: Maximizing ARP funds to promote holistic community safety\u00a0\u00a0<\/h4>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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